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August 17, 2017

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India’s calculated move away from truth

Since Indian troops’ illegal entry into the Doklam area, which belongs to China and has remained under Chinese rule, China has lodged serious protests against this act of intrusion.

In the face of repeated warnings and protests from China, India has dug in its heels, refusing to withdraw troops from the Chinese territory and stop obstructing Chinese road-building endeavors.

In fact, China notified India of its road construction efforts twice, in May and June. India did not respond until mid-June, at which point it sent border troops across the boundary to interfere with legitimate Chinese action.

Moreover, India has challenged China’s claims to the Doklam area on the grounds that a sovereign nation does not have to inform others of what it prepares to do on “its home soil.”

“This is a blatant and groundless accusation,” said Zhao Gancheng, renowned India scholar and researcher with Shanghai Institutes for International Studies.

That China notified India in advance is in perfect accord with the common diplomatic protocol of mutual understanding and transparency. It also corresponds to the basic spirit of past China-India diplomatic exchanges and communication, said Zhao.

Considering that road construction did occur in areas adjacent to Indian territory, it is precisely out of consideration for Sino-Indian relations that China informed India of its decision, said Zhao.

In his view, India’s response, inspired by a distorted view of China’s bona fides, is not a reckless act of adventurism, but a calculated move.

It has been made clear in many Chinese statements that the China-India boundary in the Sikkim Sector has been delimited by the 1890 Convention Between Great Britain and China Relating to Sikkim and Tibet, and is recognized by successive Indian governments.

This is evidenced by a panoply of declarations, official statements from both sides and by letters penned by ex-Indian Prime Minister Jawaharlal Nehru, and addressed to former Chinese premier, Zhou Enlai, in which Nehru acknowledged China’s sovereignty in the Doklam area.

According to Zhao, these documents and diplomatic notes constitute the legal basis of China’s claims and India’s recent provocation was a violation of China’s sovereign rights.

He went on to counter India’s claims that Chinese road-building efforts changed the status-quo.

India has justified its actions under the pretext of “protecting” Bhutan, but the question is, even if China and Bhutan do have a border dispute, how does that justify India’s meddlesome behavior?

From China’s perspective, the way India treated Bhutan, a sovereign country, and the haste in which it acted in Bhutan’s “best interests,” are legally untenable, said Zhao. What’s more, the frequency and clarity of tough-worded Chinese warnings against India seems to contrast with the relative ambiguity of India’s stance on the Doklam spat.

In Zhao’s opinion, India chose to lie low in an attempt to court world support for it as the “weaker and peace-loving party.” The truth may be more nuanced, though. A clear message that ran through public remarks by India’s foreign minister, defense minister and chief of staff, following the Doklam crisis, is that “India prepares for peace but is war-ready.”

In light of Indian press coverage of recent military deployments to the Doklam area, Zhao explained that India is “having two strings to one’s bow.”

He thus suggested China draw international attention to India’s huge mistake in violating Chinese sovereignty. More needs to be done in diplomatic terms to confront India on its transgressions.

The only way out of the dangerous stalemate, as Zhao sees it, is for India to immediately and unconditionally withdraw its troops from Chinese soil. Only after that can both sides proceed to resolve their dispute in the spirit of mutual trust, cooperation and candor, Zhao said.




 

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